South African’s National Liberation Movement

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National Conference​

Discussion Documents

Targeted groups: Women, Youth, Disabled, Children and the Elderly

30 August 2002

  1. the strategic objective of the NDR is to build a non-racial, non-sexist and democratic South Africa. The motive forces are the national and class forces that stand to gain from the success of NDR: black people in general, Africans in particular and in class terms include: the unemployed and landless rural masses, unskilled and semi-skilled workers, workers, professi onals, middle class and black business. Furthermore, our transformation also addresses the triple oppression of women and the democracy that we pursue, leans towards the poor. Within the motive forces, there are various strata that have specific sectoral interests, which they pursue within the broader context of the NDR.

  2. The above characterisation of the NDR and the motive forces find expression in our various policy and programmatic approaches. The Reconstruction and Development Programme (1993) provides a framework to meet our objectives in a manner that is achievable, sustainable, and meets the objectives of freedom and an improved standard of living and quality of life for all South Africans within a peaceful and stable society.

  3. The RDP and the policy instruments that derive from it (sectoral policies, manifestos, etc) address the broad programmatic challenges facing us as we transform South Africa in the interest of the motive forces. In addition, it also identifies particular groups/sectors within the motive forces – who by virtue of the nature of oppression or discrimination that they face, because of particular vulnerabilities or specific sectoral issues or needs -must receive our targeted attention. These target groups include:

    • Women – by virtue of gender oppression, and thus the triple oppression that they face;

    • Youth – as a social strata that were particularly affected by apartheid, but also the position that they occupy in society as a transitional stage between child-hood and adulthood;

    • Children – who are the most vulnerable sector in any society;

    • People with disabilities – who have special needs and face discrimination; and

    • The Elderly – who too have special needs.

  4. These groups, in addition to being disadvantaged as part of the black population under apartheid, face further indignities, oppression and are often outside of the mainstream of decision-making and power because they are women or differently-abled or because they are either too young or too old. As a progressive movement, the ANC over the decades has evolved to recognise the principle of consistent equality and thus progressively addressing the rights of various marginalised and disadvantaged groups, within the context of resolving the national question.

  5. This means firstly, that in our policy approaches, we seek to mainstream the issues facing each of these targeted groups. Also, because we know that such mainstreaming will not happen automatically, we have put in place specific instruments to enable us to monitor the extent to which we are making progress.

  6. This is also reflected in the institutions we have created to address the needs of these sectors. With the exception of the elderly, we have a Minister in the Office of the President and structures dealing with each of these sectors. It is precisely located in this highest office to enable proper integration into all policies of government and a birds-eye view of the impact of our policies and programmes on these sectors.

  7. This paper and the work towards and at conference, will therefore be informed by this approach: ensuring that all other policy and political papers and commissions integrate the issues that are raised from these sectors; specifically evaluating the impact of our policies to date on each of the sectors and to make programmatic recommendations on speeding up change for each of these sectors.

  8. Policy overview

  9. Women: The ANC has always acknowledged that gender equality was a part of democracy but not its automatic by-product. The content of the liberation struggle thus included a distinct though integrated struggle for women’s emancipation. Although the clear articulation of a non-sexist South Africa became prominent in the early 80’s it had always been part of the ANC’s approach hence the adoption of the slogan – “triple-fold” exploitation of women, the endeavour to integrate women’s emancipation in the NLM’s discourse and programmes, the drive to great numbers of women into all aspects of the ANC work, the existence of the Women’s Section and later League and the launch of Women’s Organisations in South Africa under the umbrella of the Congress movement. The ANC NEC in May 1990 adopted a comprehensive statement on the “Emancipation of Women in South Africa”, the policy processes of late 80’s and early 90’s (Constitutional Guidelines, Ready to Govern and the RDP) integrated gender equality (focussing on both practical and strategic gender needs) and the 50th Conference in 1997 resolved that the NEC should integrate gender into all sections of Strategy and Tactics.

  10. The ANC 50th National Conference also adopted a set of resolutions focussing on the programmatic aspects of the eradication of gender oppression. These include:

    • The role of the ANCWL and the need to strengthen it;
    • Introducing a one third quota in all structures of the ANC, underpinned by a capacity building programme; [see ANC Constitution 1997, Rule 14]
    • Building a broad national women’s movement;
    • Strengthening the gender machinery in government;
    • Ensuring that gender is integrated in all aspects of ANC policies and programmes;
    • Action against violence against women and maintenance violations; and
    • Calling for a review of all discriminatory customs, traditions and other practises that are oppressive to women.
  11. Though Conference called for the integration of gender in all aspects of policies and programmes, the resolutions did not provide a theoretical framework and an approach for how this should be done. And, although the resolutions focused on some programmatic issues, they fail to provide the movement with a coherent programme to eradicate sexism. Although the issues raised in the resolutions thus remain valid, it will require a comprehensive resolution on our programme to build a non-sexist society and provide a guide for the integration of gender into all aspects of our policies and programmes.

  12. Youth: The formation of the ANC Youth League in 1944, laid the foundation for the importance the ANC attached to the mobilisation of youth as a social strata in subsequent decades. The RDP (Section 3.1.4) acknowledges that the youth are amongst the sectors that bore the brunt of apartheid policies and its legacy. It seeks to integrate the needs of youth in all sectoral policies and had a specific section on youth development, stating that its objectives should be to enable youth to realise their full potential and to participate fully in society and their future.

  13. The ANC 50th National Conference recognised this approach through the responsibilities it gave to the ANC Youth League in the Strategy and Tactics and in the resolutions it adopted. The resolutions acknowledge work done in government to implement a youth development policy, including the institutions created, and call for the implementation of a national youth service programme. They also provide a framework for a youth policy, though the adequacy of this framework might be argued as it addressed the priorities of the time, which detracts from its durability as a policy framework.

  14. People with disabilities: The RDP deals with the issues of disabilities, mainly under the section dealing with providing a social safety net, the rights of disabled workers, access to health, transport, special and care. The ANC 50th National Conference resolution more comprehensively defines a policy approach to disability, though in its programmatic area tends not to be as durable.

  15. Children: The RDP focuses on children’s rights with regards the provision of childcare, health, education, social safety net, transport, shelter, nutrition and safety and protection against violence. 50th Conference resolution only focuses on the Child Support Grant and the issue of maintenance, which were programmatic gaps at the time of conference.

  16. The elderly: Like the two previous groups, the RDP mainly focuses on access to social services, health, transport, etc, but to a much lesser extent than the other groups. The Mafikeng resolutions set out a policy framework for our approach to the elderly.

  17. Overview of implementation/situaltional analysis

  18. The Constitution of the country provides a framework to ensure consistent equality and the eradication of discrimination in all spheres of life and for government to progressively address gender equality and the needs of targeted groups, children in particular. Our slogan of a ‘better life for all’ thus finds expression in the mobilisation of our people generally, these groups in particular and in how we use state power.


  19. Women comprise 52% of the population, and a slightly larger percentage in rural areas. More women than men are unemployed and women-headed households are generally poorer. Building a non-sexist society, like building a non-racial and democratic society is a complex social process, with many detours and challenges. Our definition of and goals towards achieving gender equality are guided by our vision of human rights, which incorporates the acceptance of the equal and inalienable rights of men and women, a fundamental tenet of our Bill of Rights and Constitution. This vision is further elaborated in the National Gender Policy Framework (2000) of government.

  20. The tools we will use to assess progress since the democratic breakthrough in 1994, is to ask the questions: * What impact have our policies and programmes made on the quality of life and status of women SA? * Are we improving participation of women in all spheres of society; * Are we moving towards achieving gender equality and transforming gender relations in our society?


    Clause 9 of the Constitution in the Bill of Rights guarantees equal rights for all South Africans, with specific reference to gender equality, elaborates on all of these and makes provision for policies and legislation to promote and protect equality. Thus the framework exists for gender equality in all spheres of society. Do the majority of women know this and are they able to effectively exercise their rights? Studies and our own experience reveal a yawning gap between the existence of rights and their implementation especially for the benefit of poor and rural women.


  1. Access to Decision-making: The objective here is to ensure that there is a critical mass of women in decision and policy-making structures in society and that their participation takes forward the objectives of gender equality. In this regard, the struggle for quotas by women at the 1991 National Conference of the ANC has had important spin-offs in broader society. As a result, the ANC has introduced a one third quota in all its lists for public representatives, directly resulting in South Africa being placed number 10 out of 130 parliaments in the world in terms of women’s presence in governance.

  2. Women make up 29.8% of Members of Parliament and 38.09% of Ministers and Deputy Ministers ensuring some important participation of women in decision-making processes at the highest level. We are beginning to reach the stage where, in all structures in society, the absence of women is being frowned upon. The presence of women in the decision-making levels in the private sector is still minimal.

  3. Access to basic services. Our programme to create a better life for all is also addressing the practical gender needs, such as access to basic services such as housing, water, affordable energy, health and education. For example, by 2000, more than 40% of all housing subsidies allocated, were allocated to women-headed families. Our shift to primary health care, free health care to pregnant women and children under six years and the advances on reproductive rights also primarily benefit women, with decreases in maternal deaths. And, since women make up the majority of those living below the breadline, poverty alleviation programmes tend to either target mainly women (e.g. the Child Support Grant) or women are a specific target group (e.g. Work for Water).

  4. Access to the economy. Our commitment to redistribution through policy instruments such as land reform, black economic empowerment and affirmative action has tended to favour men, because they are still favoured through the laws of succession, access to capital, markets, information, networks and education. Therefore, patterns of income and ownership not only remained defined by race, but also by gender.

  5. The participation of African women in the economy is therefore still at very low levels, despite a long list of laws and policies aimed at empowering women. For example, about 47% of African women are unemployed, with only 38% of African women employed in the formal sector. Just over half of employed women work in the formal sector, compared with 74% of employed men. And, amongst the employed, women predominate in the low skilled and low paid professions. In the private sector, African women account for 0.9% of top management positions. In the public sector in the figure is 7,28%, somewhat lower than one would have expected.

  6. Participation: There is often a direct relationship between the presence of women in positions of responsibility, and the advances we have made in putting the issues of gender equality and meeting practical gender needs on the national agenda. However, the presence of women in positions of responsibility does not automatically translate into their participation especially with the slow progress in changing Parliament as a patriarchal institution. Access alone is not a guarantee of both participation and transformation. It is therefore important that as women enter these spheres of decision-making, it is not left to them to change both the form and content of those institutions but that deliberate measures are taken to change them.

  7. The historic patterns of the high level of participation of women in civic and community activity, whilst being marginalised from the leadership structures of social, community and civic movements remain. Also women and African women in particular, continue to be the most consistent support base of the ANC as shown in the four national, provincial and local elections we have had to date.

  8. In the absence of common approaches to gender and a broad women’s movement that would strengthen the voice of women, there is a gap between the grassroots women’s activities and projects and those of the more advanced and educated women. Also, many feminists/activists seem to act unsure of the role that they can play in a democratic society and yet some others, including those in government, in their day-to-day operations seem to forget the gender agenda. As a result, we often find a backlash against these women – either from other women who accuse them of having made it on a women’s ticket, but fail to advance the women’s cause or from men who point to these women as tokens who do not add any value.

  9. Women’s participation at different levels of the public sphere still remains constrained because of factors such as values, culture and tradition that want to locate them in the private, not the public sphere; limited resources, education and skills; the difficulty of balancing responsibilities of the public political spheres with the gendered reproductive roles; socialisation that resulted in embedded inferiority complex; and women unfriendly environments reflecting sexism, sometimes reflected in sexual harassment.

  10. Gender machinery: The gender machinery was established to amongst others formulate and monitor gender policy and the impact of government policies on women. The machinery consists of both the structures in government (the Commission for Gender Equality, the Offices on the Status of Women, gender focal points in departments, parliamentary committees on gender equality and structures in local government. All these structures are supposed to have their foundation on a vibrant progressive women’s movement and coherent gender networks. However, these structures have themselves been very weak with apparently uncoordinated programmes. The CGE plagued by it own internal problems has not yet managed to successfully play its monitoring role. All these structures have as yet not cohered, coordinated and integrated their work to the extent required by our country and its conditions.

  11. Transformation of gender relations: The new democratic government swiftly put in place constitutional, legislative, institutional frameworks toward achieving a democratic, non-racial and non-sexist dispensation. Amongst these are:-
    • A progressive Constitution that guarantees equal rights for all South Africans and prohibits discrimination on the basis of, amongst others, sex and gender.
    • The presence of a relatively high number of women public representatives in the three spheres of governance and parliament
    • Promulgation of Laws such as the Maintenance, Domestic Violence and the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Acts, which are cornerstones for gender equality. Others such as Employment Equity, Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination act, land bank amendment, etc. improve the lives of women.
    • The establishment of the National Machinery consisting of the Office on the Status of Women; gender units in all government departments; the Parliamentary Committee on the Improvement of the Quality of Life and Status of Women; the Women’s Empowerment Unit; the Commission on Gender Equality is part of the Institutionalisation of gender equality.
    • The ratification of Conventions and agreements such as CEDAW, the Beijing Platform for Action etc confirm the strides towards gender equality.
    • Access to basic services such as water, electricity etc improves the quality of lives of women. Women are regaining their dignity and taking responsibility for their lives. Patriarchal attitudes are changing as evidenced by, for example, the growing anger against violence against women and greater awareness around issues of maintenance.
  12. Through their participation in various spheres of society, as individuals and as part of a critical mass of women, women are gaining recognition and thus shifting patriarchal mindsets and changing stereotypes about gender roles. There are in general, painfully slow strides towards changing the power relations between men and women, but although we still have a long way to go, the foundations are being built.
  13. However the struggle is far from over and in some instance there is a backlash against the advances that we have made. For instance the high level of violence against women, especially domestic, may well be part of patriarchy’s resistance to change thus taking the form of angry and violent men. We have not as yet gone far in acknowledging and addressing women’s unpaid labour and the separation between the private and public domain. Sexist and chauvinistic attitudes in our society and even within the democratic movement still lag far behind the democratic reality.

  14. Socialising institutions like the family, school, religion, the media, culture and traditional authority still continue to entrench gender stereotypes against women. The role of the Traditional Institutions as recognised by the Constitution has not been interrogated in relation to the place and role of women. While parliament has attempted to promulgate “gender sensitive” laws, very wide gaps still exist in ensuring gender mainstreaming in all our policies and the implementation of programmes.

  15. The media is one of the key socialising institutions of any nation. In general the SA media is not only racist but also sexist. Our society, government included and women in particular, has as yet not been angered to a point of action by sexism in and a sexist media. And yet we are unlikely to go far in changing attitudes if we are unable to transform the media and simultaneously use it as tool to transform gender relations in society.

  16. ANC and the ANCWL: Although we have made significant strides in government, to put in place policies and programmes to address gender equality, there are serious weaknesses in how as a movement we mobilise and give leadership to the forces to participate in the programme to transform gender relations and improve women’s lives. The absence of a coherent theory and approach by the ANC on patriarchy and gender equality denies its membership tools of analysis and mobilisation. This is particularly so in a context of no role models worldwide to which to turn for experience.

  17. The organisational profile of the Women’s League after re-establishment as a mass legal entity after 1990 evolved, drawing its mass support mainly from working class women. This base, though not always organised into well-structured ANCWL branches, consistently and enthusiastically responds to calls for action – whether to protest against rape and child abuse, to participate in the local health committees to stop the spread of HIV/AIDS and be part of home-base care or to celebrate August 9 every year or to turn out in large numbers during elections to renew the mandate of the ANC.

  18. The League on the other hand has found it difficult to draw larger numbers of women from other national groups and social strata. Due to internal problems, it has not been the natural home for all ANC women, despite the fact that many ANC women activists in their own right are active and often leading in other women’s and gender organisations. Furthermore, the ANC has also tended to package everything related to gender and women to be dealt with by the Gender committee or the ANCWL.

  19. These problems that have plagued the women of the national liberation forces for close to a decade now, has meant that the ANC’s impact on gender structures of the Alliance, our capacity to lead the broader women’s movement, to give consistent direction to the gender machinery in government and overly impacting on the cause of gender equality in our country, have been diminished.

  20. The Women’s movement: Although gender oppression affects both men and women – in terms of roles and stereotyping – women objectively stand to gain most from gender equality and a non-sexist society. Thus, women themselves must be central in the struggle for gender equality. More specifically, given the analysis of how the national and class question intersect with patriarchy in our situation, at the centre of a broad non-racial, multi-class women’s movement must be a progressive political formation of women, with African working class women as its driving force.

  21. Women’s organisations – during most of the 90 years of the existence of the ANC – played an important role in mobilising women to fight side by side with men for national liberation and to ensure that women’s emancipation is on the agenda of the NLM.

  22. Political mobilisation of women as part of the national liberation movement, strong grassroots organisation around issues affecting women directly or practical gender needs, organising women separately both as a tactic and strategic approach, forming fronts with a broad spectrum of women and ensuring that the broad liberation forces integrate gender into its policies and programmes were and remain the main strategic approaches to organisation pursued by the South African women’s and gender movement. During the different historical epochs of the national liberation movement, this approach was implemented, taking account of the prevailing objective conditions of each period.

  23. The understanding of the need for organising and the organisations of women to lead the struggle for their own emancipation not to the exclusion of others informed the formation of the WNC in 1992 and the consistent drive for a broad Women’s Movement.

  24. The breakthrough of 1994 posed a set of new challenges to the women’s movement. On the one hand, they have won the arguments of equality in the Constitution, legislation and policies and of participation, which ensured a critical mass of women in government. On the other hand, this development led to large numbers of most experienced gender activists no longer as active within the women’s movement. This resulted in its fragmentation and a tendency for women activists as individuals to pursue a gender agenda.


  1. Young people (14 – 35) makes up a large proportion of the population, they are also a large section of the unemployed, and are particularly vulnerable with regards substance abuse, crime and violence, HIV/AIDS, STDs and teenage parenthood.

  2. The ANCYL as an organ of the ANC to champion the interests of young people has also struggled to adapt to the new situation. Though effective in policy development, coordinating the various youth development machinery and lobbying behind the scenes to ensure that government integrate youth issues, in terms of mass mobilisation its structures were considerably weaker. It has therefore over the last two years embarked on a back-to-basics campaign to revitalise its structures, alongside the realignment process. Its 21st National Congress in 2001 further sought to reposition the League to play a much more visible role in championing the interests of youth. This approach has amongst other things resulted in the Youth League leading youth around the demand for jobs, taking up the issues of youth in the music industry and being a vocal proponent of transformation in sports.

  3. The National Youth Commission (and provincial commissions) were established in 1996 with its main brief to develop a National Youth Policy for the country and to monitor and advocate for its implementation. In 1999 a joint parliamentary committee on Youth, Disabled and Children were established. Attempts have been made to establish structures at local government level, but this has been uneven. In civil society, youth organisations have formed the South African Youth Council, which engages with the NYC and represents the youth sector in the community chamber of NEDLAC.

  4. Though the commission finalised this policy in 1997, it was adopted only in December 2001 as a youth policy of the whole of government. The National Youth Commission established an inter-departmental committee on youth in 1998, through which it inputs into programmes of different departments on youth and annually produces a report on all programmes for youth in government. This has been an important tool to monitor the implementation of the youth policy of government.

  5. The NYC started work on a national youth service programme, but it has not moved much beyond policy and pilot stages. Government in 1998 announced the formation of the Umsobomvu Youth Fund, aimed at specifically addressing problems of youth unemployment and Labour adopted skills and learnerships as an important part of the National Skills Development Strategy. In Health, the national strategy against HIV/AIDS and STD’s specifically target the youth, with movements to make clinics more youth-friendly, support for LoveLife and other youth initiatives.

  6. A review of government’s youth programmes suggests that there have been progressively greater programmatic commitment to youth development in different government departments since the establishment of the NYC (and the PYCs). Furthermore, the general programmes of government around human resource development, meeting basic needs, job creation and economic growth and safety and security provide great possibilities for an enabling environment for youth development.

  7. However, the varied range of youth programmes and services provided by different departments, reach fairly small numbers of youth (less than a thousand, in many cases). The exceptions are those programmes that are part of the core business of departments like Education, Health and Labour. In other large-scale poverty alleviation programmes, the percentages of youth that benefited from these programmes are much lower than would be expected, given that they make up the highest proportion of the unemployed.


  8. Children are amongst the most vulnerable sectors in society and thus need very specific conditions to allow them to grow and develop within a safe and secure environment.

  9. Children’s rights in our country derive from the Constitution, our laws and various continental and international conventions. The National Programme of Action for Children was adopted by government in 1996 to ensure the progressive realisation of the rights enshrined in these covenants. It provides a holistic framework in which all departments are required to put children’s issues on the agenda and services to children are coordinated and a vehicle at all levels for coordinated action between government, civil society and child related structures.

People with disability

  1. People with disability form approximately 8.5% of the population. The White paper on an Integrated National Disability Strategy (INDS) calls for a change of approach to disability from the medical/social welfare model to a human rights/developmental model. As part of this approach the Office on the Status of Disabled People in the Presidency, a joint parliamentary committee on Disabled and other sectors and an interdepartmental collaborative committee were established.

  2. The work of the Office on the Status of Disabled People to date included the development of policy, guidelines and norms and standards in various government departments; the commencement of an Economic Empowerment Project; guidelines on international self-representation and participation of disability issues, training of government officials to understand disability issues; interaction with and capacity building for civil society disabled structures; identifying disabled local councillors for training; the establishment of disability desks in some local councils and developing programmes in human rights and disability studies.

  3. However, despite these advances, we still have a long way to go. A study to assess the extent to which 18 national government departments are integrating disability issues and implementing the policies in the White paper revealed that:
    • Our policies still do not adequately integrate disability issues, or where they do, these do not translate into adequate strategies, capacity, programmes, budgeting or monitoring, employment practices and research mechanism in departments aimed at integrating people with disability into the mainstream, they still tend to follow the medical/welfare model.
    • Very little effort is placed in creating public awareness about disability, as well as disability prevention (except in Transport) and there is insufficient involvement of disabled people’s organisations in formulation and implementation of policies. * Despite the progress made to make all public buildings accessible to people with disability, we still have some way to go.

    The Elderly

  4. Programmes on the elderly to date have mainly focused on the extension of social security (pensions), the provision of care and the abuse of elderly persons. Work is in progress to develop a new and comprehensive policy framework. A draft (?) South African Declaration on Ageing has been developed which will be part of such a new policy framework.

  5. A Committee was appointed by the Department of Social Development to study the situation of older persons and found that abuse and neglect of the elderly is common in residential homes, hospitals, within families, in communities and in pension queues and government offices. Of great concern was the absence of a coherent strategy to address this and a lack of planning, coordination and effective action.

  6. Social services for the elderly remain highly fragmented, poorly managed, racially divided and under-resourced – the bulk of the budget continues to be spent on residential care and in all provinces homes remain racially divided and predominantly white. Little funding or support is given to services based in communities where the greatest number of frail and vulnerable elderly people live. The special attention, promised in the Welfare White Paper, to the protection of the rights of older persons because of the prevalence of age discrimination, abuse and exploitation, has not materialised.

  7. While many acknowledge the social pension as an effective poverty alleviation programme, the Committee found that it remains fraught with prob lems. In 1996 the Committee for the Restructuring of Social Security (CRSS) recommended improvements to customer service. In 1998 the Public Service Commission investigation into social security services, more specifically, recommended a strategy with the Public Works Department to upgrade services at pension pay points. But by the year 2000 little had changed. Following this report, specific measures were put in place by the department to improve conditions at pay-out points and to involve civil society to ensure that older persons who qualify for a pension register to do so.

  8. However, many challenges remain before we can truly say that our elderly get the respect and dignity they deserve.

  9. Challenges of implementation

  10. A number of cross cutting challenges confronting our programmes to redress and improve the standard of living of the targeted sectors, include:-
    • Social mobilisation linked to improved government servicing of these sectors to ensure that our programmes reached all those targeted by our programmes and the most marginalised of these sectors.
    • Managing the cross-cutting nature of these sectors and their needs, especially ensuring integration into all government programmes, yet maintaining focus on them as targeted sectors – so that we don’t have ‘gender-blind’ or ‘age or disability blind’ programmes;
    • Improve coordination and alignment in the translation of policies into realisable plans and the implementation of such programmes targeting these sectors across government departments and between spheres of government.
    • Strengthen the mass mobilisation of these sectors to take charge of their own development, their education to know their rights and continually improving access to services for these sectors.
    • Improved coordination between government, civil society and the private sector, ensuring that policies aimed at transformation for these sectors (e.g. employment equity targets or access to buildings) receive similar attention in the private sector as in the public sector.
    • Raising public awareness on the need to transform attitudes and power relations, to enable these groups to realise their full potential and human rights.
    • Identifying sector specific indicators (targets, timeframes, etc) to ensure effective, reliable and measurable monitoring and evaluation processes.